I just got home with a newsprint wrapped packet of currency purchased on the black forex market. I hadn't thought a thing of it while conducting the transaction, but had to laugh when I reflected on what has become a part of my 'normal'.
I was purchasing Myanmar kyat, because tomorrow I'm flying to Rangoon/Yangon. Legally, visitors are supposed to exchange foreign currency for foreign exchange certificates, and kyat are not supposed to be carried in or out of the country. In reality, the country runs on US dollars, which can be exchanged in country for kyat on the black market, but only if they are unmarked, unfolded, unripped 100 dollar notes, and not of certain serial number series. It really is a very odd system.
My trip tomorrow will be my first visit to Rangoon since 2009. Since that time there have been the first national elections in twenty years, most of the political prisoners have been released, the new government took office, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected to Parliament in bi-elections, and all of the opposition forces have signed or are in cease-fire negotiations with the government. Friends who have visited say there is a new feeling on the street, that people are more willing to talk openly about politics, people are wearing NLD and Daw Suu t-shirts, that journalists are allowed to have a presence, that internet and phone communications are improving. In so many ways, it seems a markedly changed place since last I visited.
On the other hand, none of the questionable laws that put those political prisoners in jail have been revoked, there is still a law against public gatherings, the military is automatically granted 25% of the seats in parliament and a majority of the rest were won by the political party primarily composed of retired army officers and their friends, the relationship between, and relative authority of, the government and the army remains murky, a member of parliament was recently threatened at gunpoint by an army officer, and in some parts of the country the army continues active conflict although ceasefires are being negotiated.
So the big questions is, has it really changed? Its very difficult to answer. As mentioned before, most folks fervently hope so, while remaining cautious. The ethnic minorities in particular are now in a very difficult position. The world is lauding the governments appearances of reform, and are consequently asking the ethnic authorities to work with the government, to help create a new society. That sounds great, but they aren't sure if the changes are more than skin deep. More than once it has been expressed to me in recent weeks that although the 'hot' war is ending, they are afraid a cold war is bubbling under the surface. They are wary of sharing too much detailed information too quickly, for fear that it will be used against them. They are wary that taking government overtures at face values, that trusting too deeply, will burn them, as it has so many times in the past. After the history of the past sixty years, it is a phenomenal request to ask them to trust at all.
Last week I attended a meeting on the role of civil society in peace building and reconciliation in Burma/Myanmar. This theme of trust was repeated again and again by speakers from many sectors. One representative from the Karen National Union said that if he met the members of the government's negotiating team in the jungle, he would still want to kill them, but he tries to set aside all of those feelings when walking into the negotiating room. Others said, "trust, but verify", and '"doubt sincerity, but move forward anyway". Another participant concluded that there was simultaneously "space for optimism, yet reasons for concern".
It was a phenomenally interesting meeting. I didn't feel it was my place to participate in the conversation; I can observe, and try to support, this process, but it must come from, and be driven by, those whose country it is. It was remarkable to hear them talk about what they are trying to build for their country, discussing inclusivity and participation, trying to figure out how to work with the international actors who are rushing in, rather than getting run over by them, discussing the institutional changes that will be needed to achieve lasting change, and address real reconciliation.
My trip to Rangoon is focused on the issue of convergence, the term being used for the integration of health activities (and other sectors as well) from central Burma with those in the border areas. For so long, the border areas were inaccessible from the inside of the country, that community groups found their own ways to provide healthcare, education, and address livelihood and development needs. Now, as the country tries to come together, these efforts, and those of NGOs operating from Rangoon, and the activities of the government, must be integrated. As there are often different standards and protocols, and local conditions and needs vary widely, this is a challenge, greatly compounded by the inrush of international actors eager to participate in the goldrush for newly allocated development funds, who are often unaware of existing local activities, and not always inclined to learn about or collaborate with them. I will be meeting with a series of international NGOs and donors, to discuss their views on and approach to convergence, and to advocate for communication and coordination with border area actors.
Sharing data is one of the best ways to start these relationships. (Although, that in and of itself is a bigger task than it might seem, as it requires standardization of place names and boundaries, as the government and various ethnic groups often have different of names and borders, not to mention standardization of case definitions). Many of our partners see value in doing this, but others, namely, some of the health groups affiliated with ethnic opposition groups, are wary of doing so for fear that the information will be passed to the government, whom they still don't completely trust to not use the information against them. So a lot of my time over the past two weeks has been spent with them coming up with ideas for how to share more information about the extensive work being done in the border areas, and the resources available there (such as numerous staff trained in implementation, management, and data collection, who are known and trusted by the local community, and existing health clinics and referral networks), without reveling too many details. For example, a map showing the percentage of the population with access to health services in each township, without revealing the village locations of the clinics.
Anyway, there is a long way to go to true and lasting peace in Burma, and I'm only involved in a very small corner of this very great endeavor, but I am humbled and inspired to be involved at all. It is an amazing and unparalleled experience to actually witness the birthing of a democracy. Some things have changed, and some things have yet to change, but as the new president of Myanmar recently said, the road forward is narrow, there is no longer room to turn around. The road is long, but the course is set. I will do what little I can to support their journey to create an inclusive, participatory, and lasting peace.
I was purchasing Myanmar kyat, because tomorrow I'm flying to Rangoon/Yangon. Legally, visitors are supposed to exchange foreign currency for foreign exchange certificates, and kyat are not supposed to be carried in or out of the country. In reality, the country runs on US dollars, which can be exchanged in country for kyat on the black market, but only if they are unmarked, unfolded, unripped 100 dollar notes, and not of certain serial number series. It really is a very odd system.
My trip tomorrow will be my first visit to Rangoon since 2009. Since that time there have been the first national elections in twenty years, most of the political prisoners have been released, the new government took office, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was elected to Parliament in bi-elections, and all of the opposition forces have signed or are in cease-fire negotiations with the government. Friends who have visited say there is a new feeling on the street, that people are more willing to talk openly about politics, people are wearing NLD and Daw Suu t-shirts, that journalists are allowed to have a presence, that internet and phone communications are improving. In so many ways, it seems a markedly changed place since last I visited.
On the other hand, none of the questionable laws that put those political prisoners in jail have been revoked, there is still a law against public gatherings, the military is automatically granted 25% of the seats in parliament and a majority of the rest were won by the political party primarily composed of retired army officers and their friends, the relationship between, and relative authority of, the government and the army remains murky, a member of parliament was recently threatened at gunpoint by an army officer, and in some parts of the country the army continues active conflict although ceasefires are being negotiated.
So the big questions is, has it really changed? Its very difficult to answer. As mentioned before, most folks fervently hope so, while remaining cautious. The ethnic minorities in particular are now in a very difficult position. The world is lauding the governments appearances of reform, and are consequently asking the ethnic authorities to work with the government, to help create a new society. That sounds great, but they aren't sure if the changes are more than skin deep. More than once it has been expressed to me in recent weeks that although the 'hot' war is ending, they are afraid a cold war is bubbling under the surface. They are wary of sharing too much detailed information too quickly, for fear that it will be used against them. They are wary that taking government overtures at face values, that trusting too deeply, will burn them, as it has so many times in the past. After the history of the past sixty years, it is a phenomenal request to ask them to trust at all.
Last week I attended a meeting on the role of civil society in peace building and reconciliation in Burma/Myanmar. This theme of trust was repeated again and again by speakers from many sectors. One representative from the Karen National Union said that if he met the members of the government's negotiating team in the jungle, he would still want to kill them, but he tries to set aside all of those feelings when walking into the negotiating room. Others said, "trust, but verify", and '"doubt sincerity, but move forward anyway". Another participant concluded that there was simultaneously "space for optimism, yet reasons for concern".
It was a phenomenally interesting meeting. I didn't feel it was my place to participate in the conversation; I can observe, and try to support, this process, but it must come from, and be driven by, those whose country it is. It was remarkable to hear them talk about what they are trying to build for their country, discussing inclusivity and participation, trying to figure out how to work with the international actors who are rushing in, rather than getting run over by them, discussing the institutional changes that will be needed to achieve lasting change, and address real reconciliation.
My trip to Rangoon is focused on the issue of convergence, the term being used for the integration of health activities (and other sectors as well) from central Burma with those in the border areas. For so long, the border areas were inaccessible from the inside of the country, that community groups found their own ways to provide healthcare, education, and address livelihood and development needs. Now, as the country tries to come together, these efforts, and those of NGOs operating from Rangoon, and the activities of the government, must be integrated. As there are often different standards and protocols, and local conditions and needs vary widely, this is a challenge, greatly compounded by the inrush of international actors eager to participate in the goldrush for newly allocated development funds, who are often unaware of existing local activities, and not always inclined to learn about or collaborate with them. I will be meeting with a series of international NGOs and donors, to discuss their views on and approach to convergence, and to advocate for communication and coordination with border area actors.
Sharing data is one of the best ways to start these relationships. (Although, that in and of itself is a bigger task than it might seem, as it requires standardization of place names and boundaries, as the government and various ethnic groups often have different of names and borders, not to mention standardization of case definitions). Many of our partners see value in doing this, but others, namely, some of the health groups affiliated with ethnic opposition groups, are wary of doing so for fear that the information will be passed to the government, whom they still don't completely trust to not use the information against them. So a lot of my time over the past two weeks has been spent with them coming up with ideas for how to share more information about the extensive work being done in the border areas, and the resources available there (such as numerous staff trained in implementation, management, and data collection, who are known and trusted by the local community, and existing health clinics and referral networks), without reveling too many details. For example, a map showing the percentage of the population with access to health services in each township, without revealing the village locations of the clinics.
Anyway, there is a long way to go to true and lasting peace in Burma, and I'm only involved in a very small corner of this very great endeavor, but I am humbled and inspired to be involved at all. It is an amazing and unparalleled experience to actually witness the birthing of a democracy. Some things have changed, and some things have yet to change, but as the new president of Myanmar recently said, the road forward is narrow, there is no longer room to turn around. The road is long, but the course is set. I will do what little I can to support their journey to create an inclusive, participatory, and lasting peace.
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